Showing titles in Elections & Political Process

La libertà di manifestazione del pensiero rappresentava la "pietra angolare" della democrazia. Ma ormai non è più così: non siamo più liberi di pensare i nostri stessi pensieri. La trappola scatta il 4 dicembre 2009, quando Google avverte gli utenti che da allora in poi avrebbe personalizzato il proprio motore di ricerca. Significa che i risultati cambiano a seconda delle ricerche precedenti, del computer da cui stiamo interrogando Google, del luogo nel quale ci troviamo.

Das Hörbuch, von dem Facebook nicht will, dass Sie es hören! NSA-Skandal, Wahlmanipulationen, Cambridge Analytica, Trump... Das ist nur die Spitze des Eisbergs! Die renommierten New York Times-Reporterinnen Sheera Frenkel und Cecilia Kang gewähren einen bisher einzigartigen Einblick in den mächtigsten und undurchschaubarsten Konzern der Welt. Ausgehend von ihrer langjährigen investigativen Recherche, in der sie über Hunderte von Interviews führten, zeigen uns die Autorinnen ein Facebook, das wir so bislang nicht kannten.

Das MagBook zum Greenpeace-Jubiläum: gemeinsam stark für unsere Umwelt Greenpeace hat unsere Gesellschaft verändert wie keine andere Nichtregierungsorganisation. Waldsterben, Atomkraft, Umweltverschmutzung - kaum ein Problem unseres Planeten wurde nicht von ihren Kampagnen thematisiert und bekämpft. Die Autoren des umfangreichen Magazins "MUT. Wie Greenpeace die Welt verändert hat." feiern das Jubiläum der Umweltschutzorganisation mit einer ausführlichen Analyse.

Democracy is in crisis. Politicians lie gleefully, making wild claims that can be shared instantly with millions of people on social media. Donald Trump, Boris Johnson, Jair Bolsonaro and populists in many other countries are the beneficiaries. Democracy for Sale is a diligent, brilliant guide through a shadowy world of dark money and digital disinformation stretching from Westminster to Washington and far beyond.

Historic levels of polarization, a disaffected and frustrated electorate, and widespread distrust of government, the news media, and traditional political leadership set the stage in 2016 for an unexpected, unlikely, and unprecedented presidential contest. Donald Trump’s campaign speeches and other rhetoric seemed on the surface to be simplistic, repetitive, and disorganized to many. As Demagogue for President shows, Trump’s campaign strategy was anything but simple.

Imagine an imminent future where American voters are bombarded with personalized political messages from every smart device - at home, in cars, on sidewalks; the digital infosphere. Big Data so fine-tuned, no two voters hear the same proposition. You come home to a hologrammatic, AI-powered Donald Trump chatbot perched in your kitchen, asking personal questions - knowing everywhere you went, everything you searched, and how much you spent on lunch. We’re rushing toward this dystopia right now.

Unsettling Canada, a Canadian best seller, is built on a unique collaboration between two First Nations leaders, Arthur Manuel and Grand Chief Ron Derrickson.Both men have served as chiefs of their bands in the B.C. interior and both have gone on to establish important national and international reputations. But the differences between them are in many ways even more interesting. Arthur Manuel is one of the most forceful advocates for Aboriginal title and rights in Canada and comes from the activist wing of the movement.

In these impassioned, powerful essays, an award-winning journalist deals forthrightly with what it means to be Black in Trump’s America. South Carolina-based journalist Issac J. Bailey reflects on a wide range of complex, divisive topics which have taken on a fresh urgency with the protest movement sparked by George Floyd’s killing. Bailey has been honing his views on these issues for the past quarter of a century in his professional and private life, which included an 18-year stint as a member of a mostly white Evangelical Christian church.

In this sweeping history, author Johanna Neuman demonstrates that American women defeated the male patriarchy only after they convinced men that it was in their interests to share political power.

A close look at the contest of 1880 reveals that Garfield's victory could have been the start of a period of greater civil rights legislation, a continuation of Lincoln's vision. This was the choice made by the American people - and, as The Last Lincoln Republican makes poignantly clear, the great opportunity forever lost when Garfield was assassinated just a few months into his term.

For almost a decade, journalists and pundits have been asking why we don't see successful examples of political satire from conservatives or of opinion talk radio from liberals. This book turns that question on its head to argue that opinion talk is the political satire of the right and political satire is the opinion programming of the left.

The Alabama Communist Party was made up of working people without a Euro-American radical political tradition: devoutly religious and semiliterate Black laborers and sharecroppers, and a handful of Whites, including unemployed industrial workers, housewives, youth, and renegade liberals. In this book, Robin D. G. Kelley reveals how the experiences and identities of these people from Alabama's farms, factories, mines, kitchens, and city streets shaped the Party's tactics and unique political culture.

The Radio Right tells the story of the 1960s far right, who were frustrated by what they perceived to be liberal bias in the national media, particularly the media's sycophantic relationship with the John F. Kennedy administration. By the early 1960s, millions of Americans listened each week to conservative broadcasters, the most prominent of which were clergy or lay broadcasters from across the religious spectrum, including Carl McIntire, Billy James Hargis, and Clarence Manion.  

The idea of voting is simple, but the administration of elections in ways that ensure access and integrity is complex. In How We Vote, Kathleen Hale and Mitchell Brown explore how election officials work, how ballots are cast and counted, and how jurisdictions try to innovate while also protecting the security of the voting process. 

A firsthand account of Ronald Reagan's leadership style, with personal insight and practical application.

With the rise of Jimmy Carter, the 1976 presidential election proved a transformative moment in US history, heralding a change in terms of how candidates run for public office and how the news media cover their campaigns.

Why is it so much easier for the Democratic Party to win the national popular vote than to build and maintain a majority in Congress? Why can Democrats sweep statewide offices in places like Pennsylvania and Michigan yet fail to take control of the same states' legislatures? Many place exclusive blame on partisan gerrymandering and voter suppression. But as political scientist Jonathan A. Rodden demonstrates in Why Cities Lose, the left's electoral challenges have deeper roots in economic and political geography.

Presidential Leadership in Political Time has greatly expanded our understanding of and debates over the politics of leadership. It clarifies the typical political problems that presidents confront in political time, as well as the likely effects of their working through them, and considers contemporary innovations in our political system that bear on the leadership patterns from the more distant past. 

In this book, Cedric de Leon analyzes two pivotal crises in the American two-party system: the first resulting in the demise of the Whig party and secession of 11 southern states in 1861, and the present crisis splintering the Democratic and Republican parties and leading to the election of Donald Trump. Recasting these stories through the actions of political parties, de Leon draws unsettling parallels in the political maneuvering that ultimately causes once-dominant political parties to lose the people's consent to rule.

The Electoral College that governs America has been with us since 1804, when Thomas Jefferson's supporters redesigned it for his re-election. The Jeffersonians were motivated by the principle of majority rule. Gone were the days when a president would be elected by acclamation, as George Washington had been. Instead, given the emergence of intense two-party competition, the Jeffersonians wanted to make sure that the Electoral College awarded the presidency to the candidate of the majority, rather than minority, party.